Comprehensive Chaos

Wednesday, August 31, 2005

Preface: I hate studying politics. It is absolutely the most difficult arena for me...

During and after WWII there were recognizable changes regarding the relationship of business and government. The business sector pursued a positive image to avoid blame for the depression. Business also became more monopolistic. There were also changes in the nature of demagoguery. Whoever appealed most to the anger and frustration resulting from war experienced influence and rise in the political arena. According to Wolfe, business and military were more successful at directing "this sentiment against the New deal than New Dealers were to use it to their own advantage." Politics in the postwar era became a process of securing business confidence in order to secure voters.

Wolfe explains the emergence of a growth coalition advocating economic expansion through policies of macroeconomics, acceptable to the monopoly sector of the economy. By using surplus, this growth coalition, planned to enable the poor and minorities to take part in the reshaping of cities through domestic policies. Regarding foreign activity, they planned to economic domination with military power to maintain American influence, while incorporating the poor into the growth through aid and developmental assistance. Wolfe states, "the growth coalition should properly be characterized by its dominant belief: the idea that growth at home and expansion abroad could unify the interests of the dominant sectors of the economy with an electoral base that would keep it in power so long as growth continued." Eisenhower is credited with embracing such growth, therefore legitimizing it.

Wolfe also addresses the changing political vocabulary in the United States. He first defines liberals as "those who believed that the government should play a positive role in correcting the abuses of capitalism by promoting a concern with equality and social justice." In contrast, he states, "Conservatives argued that business had made America great and that therefore as few reforms as possible should be passed that would undermine its privileges." As with most political ideas and terminology, the meaning of both liberal and conservative shifted over time. Liberals became those that pursued rapid growth, while conservatives embraced consistent and tempered growth. According to Wolfe, liberals were willing to pursue rapid growth using government and that the result of growth would be a fiscal dividend useful to expansion of welfare benefits. The same principles of domestic expansion, advocated by liberals,were applied to foreign policy with the creation of the national security council. Conservatives were also advocates of growth, but preferred it to occur through the private sector and at a slower pace, in an effort to avoid inflation. Conservatives were also cautious with imperialistic foreign policy.

Fortunately Wolfe summarizes his liberal/conservative growth coalition debate stating the necessity of compromise. He believed the liberals and conservatives were closer on policy than either group would care to admit, stating, "the debates between the parties were real, but they concerned how fast and at what cost growth should be achieved." To achieve success both groups had to find a middle ground to appeal to voters, therefore issue debates were more concerned with the means of achieving success, not the actual success. According to Wolfe, "the consolidation of this growth-oriented pattern of politics under Eisenhower was the most important consequence of the Republican interregnum of the 1950s."

| 0 comments | kontan @ 11:56 PM

Tuesday, August 30, 2005

After WWII challenges faced the US regarding government organization and relationships within the world. There was a great push to return to business, while battling communisim and embracing ideals of isolationist policy. There were even some thoughts of continuing New Deal initiatives to a natural conclusion of democratic socialism, American style. (full employment, economic planning, national health insurance, commitment to peace though the United nations)

America chose economics over politics believing if the economy was under control, social issues would follow. Economic expansion was sought at home and abroad.

tbc.....

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:29 PM

Sunday, August 28, 2005

"The war had overturned the world, and many American's believed that they were now on top of it."
Thomas Patterson: The Origins of the Postwar International System

This is the first of three essays I am looking at to evaluate the impact of WWII on America at home and abroad. This first is very well written, capturing attention with descriptive insight as well as historical foundations. Patterson examines the impact of WWII on politics around the globe and the early attempts of US leaders to guide the rebuilding process of the changing international system.

With the world in shambles, America was forced to shift from total war to peacetime production. Americans were ready to spend some of the money they had been saving during the war years. Women, who had replaced many men in factories and the general work force, were having to shift back to traditional roles as men came home from the war. (This is an intense side note here, but the article does not address so I will have to address it later as I further discuss women and industrialization in America.) Although America celebrated the end of WWII there was fear that the era of prosperity would collapse. The war, not FDR's New Deal, brought America out of the depression. . . could it's end send Her back? Although the rest of the world struggled with rebuilding their cities, societies, and governments, Americans were enjoying the excitement of vacations, entertainment, and industrial boom. Wages had kept up with inflation and with nothing to spend on during the war, Americans made up for it afterwards.

Abroad the US accepted the role of superpower. Patterson states, " more than statistics establish American supremacy. World conditions did so. The United States was powerful because almost every other nation was war weakened." The US had the opportunity to shape the rebuilding of the postwar system. The greatest concern was who would be on which side. Although devastated by the war, the Soviet Union accounted for a huge rival for American security. Patterson feels, and accurately so, that the major powers in the world exploited the opportunities presented by postwar reconstruction. Smaller nations alligned themselves with one power or another in an attempt to secure aid, independence, and security. Some nations embraced neutrality. In the eyes of the US such nations were either with America or against, believing the neutral nations were an alliance against America. Decolonization was an issue facing all major powers, none were immune. Independence was granted by the US to the Philippines, where the US continued to aid with security. A significant involvement is that of Vietnam. Both the US and Soviet Union competed for allegiance of new governments, Washington backing the French and Soviets allying with the Vietminh insurgents, as Patterson refers to them. Both sides saw the benefits of their alliance in the potential for strategic bases and new markets.

International politics were strained, with the bomb resting in the back of everyone's mind. It's power of immense destruction served as a deterrent as well as a means. It presented an arms race on an unseen scale. New problems arose in the post war world, new instabilities. Conflict of interests carried and hardened into a four-decade Cold War.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 12:54 AM

Friday, August 26, 2005

Rhys Isaac evaluates the cultural changes taking place in Virginia during the years 1740-1790. Isaac proposes to define the meaning that 18^th Century inhabitants attached to their environment. In doing so he applies a “landscape” view to society in an effort to examine the way of life in Chesapeake during the time period. In this landscape view concept the society is shaping the environment in such a way that coincides with ideas of well being and adaptation. The marks society leave behind on the land they occupied gives insight into their lives, distribution of wealth, and access to resources. He addresses the role of authority portrayed by religious institutions and the challenge to such a role by the hierarchal organization of society. The men at the top with wealth and power, the gentry, challenged the supposed authority of such institutions. Isaac divides the work into three sections, addressing first the traditional ways of life then the various movements and events taking place in Virginia. In conclusion he evaluates the changes that took place within society.

The community organization is explained in such a way that demonstrates the Virginia community landscape. One means of wealth demonstration by the gentry is in the construction and design of their homes. The main house is the central focus of a gentry’s home, but is usually supported by symmetrical subordinating structures on each side. Gentry wealth was tied to their land with credit, instead of money, used as a means of exchange. Credit was freely extended to those with high social standing. The lesser individuals of society lived in humbler dwellings of one or one and a half stories with little more than two rooms, usually away from main waterways. Little attention is granted to slave quarters in the main body of the work. Isaac will revisit slave organization at the end suggesting their living organization hints at an existing social system within their clustered quarters.

Isaac describes the social experiences of Virginians as sharing close communities of interlocking families, yet these families may have members who have settled westward. It was necessary to move due to the value of extensive land holding for tobacco production. The continued division of such holdings, among various heirs in a family, depleted individual growing power. Although religion was considered a major part of community life, Isaac points out this too was a social necessity. The act of attending church was a social show of status, expressing gentry dominance rather than one’s devout nature. Piety was reserved for the old and infirm. Attempting to portray the power of the gentry within the church Isaac explains parson qualifications, simplifying it to one who could carry both his religion and liquor as a gentleman should.

Addressing relations of church and community there was an apparent power struggle between church leadership and community leaders. Various parsons were accused of living lives of scandal, lacking moral fortitude, leading to their dismissal and community leadership suggesting increased salaries to attract better parsons. Conflict continues as Isaac describes various religious movements taking place. The gentry felt their authority threatened by the more formal and orderly congregational community evangelicals offered to the less fortunate experiencing the harsh realities of day to day life. The traditional life established by the gentry was filled with pride and gaiety, contributing to the frustrations of those falling on the lesser end of the social spectrum. Such religious movements sparked debate, confrontation, and frustration.

Isaac portrays the landscape view of society rather well in section one, yet abandons it in section two, only to address it further in conclusion. The agrarian society remained while the influence of gentry and religion continued to conflict. The parish church disappeared, being replaced by reorganized “evangelical meetinghouses” dotting the community landscape. Although a breakdown of hierarchal society organization seems to be indicated, it is not necessarily the case. Gentlemen still existed, and even somewhat assimilated into the changing religious patterns. There continued to be those less fortunate and those more pious. The physical landscape changed as cities grew and society adapted to changing values and expectations.

Overall, Isaac presents an informative account of the changes and conflicts within Virginia. The landscape view is a unique description for changing societies and organization of study. It presents the assumption that those living in their environment not only influence it in a physical sense that is obvious to observers, but in a social sense that can be evaluated by those willing to observe closer and question the relationship of physical and social changes.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 11:10 PM

In American Slavery, American Freedom Edmund S. Morgan presents the history of early Virginia, intending to also present the paradoxical relationship of slavery and freedom, and the role of each for support of the other. He contends American independence was purchased with slave labor. Slavery was not the original plan for the American colonies. Expectations were for the natives to welcome the new arrivals and adapt to the colonists proposed way of life. Much to their dismay, settlers underestimated both the climate and conditions of their new habitat, as well as the native reception.

Morgan begins with Roanoke and descriptions of grandeur for future colonial settlements in America. The described reality is not so grand. Differing agendas, natives unwilling to assimilate to the satisfaction of colonists, and little initial capital led to the story of the “Lost Colony” and what Morgan calls, “The Jamestown Fiasco.” Slavery is not part of either story in the beginning. In fact, Morgan maintains the colonists did not wish to enslave, or even force, natives to work. Even through difficult times they continued to desire a Utopian society of interracial cooperation. However, as times grew tougher, and tension higher, there was less cooperation among all participants in the colonial experience.

Although not forcing servitude upon the Indians, settlers did beg, trade, steal, and demand Indian cooperation for settlement survival. Without the native population early settlements would have been considered a dismal failure in the grand scheme of history. Some would find it an arguable point despite the passage of time and successful establishment of an independent nation. Regardless, some form of servitude is characteristic of colonial settlements, despite the early absence of slavery. Morgan describes three types of servitude: tenure, bond, and apprenticeships. To be a tenant was considered most advantageous as they were allowed to receive a portion of profit earned. Bond servants received nothing but their personal maintenance with a master receiving all profits. Lowest on the early servitude scale was the apprenticeship. Apprentices served a term of seven years to the planter paying for them and then another seven years as a tenant. Most servants were tenants. However, as tobacco became more and more profitable the nature of servitude began to shift more to bond labor. Laws were expanded to guarantee extended terms of service eventually leading to the acceptance of slave labor.

No longer wishing for the Utopian interracial society, some natives were enslaved. Later, the profitable nature of African slave labor was discovered by colonists. At first, not wishing to enslave the Africans, colonists bought them from island settlements. Over the passage of time, and increasing profit, the moral dilemma of enslaving another did not seem such a dilemma for colonists. After all, slaves were considered mere pagans and property to be utilized in the most profitable manner.

Upon this argument, Morgan successfully presents the paradox of freedom and slavery, the irony of one society’s freedom built upon the enslavement of another. However, without the benefits of slave labor it is likely that the colonists would not prevail in their struggle to break from English dependency. For such adaptation and acceptance to take place, Morgan describes the shifting prejudice that must occur to morally justify the cultural adaptation. His presentation seems at times to be judgmental of the colonists. By modern standards they do seem morally bankrupt regarding the treatment of fellow man, however their moral outlook is not the same as those of modern society, and modern society is not without its own moral bankruptcy. Morgan’s work is an interesting presentation of the history of Virginia, provoking examination of what he describes as the American paradox. He is rather slow in this provocation, not detailing servitude and slavery until well into the work.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:42 PM

In Pursuits of Happiness, Jack Greene compares the colonies of the Chesapeake region with that of New England, as well as Old England and earlier colonial settlements. Four major goals Greene attempts to assess and reach in his work are to evaluate prevailing assumptions regarding the significance of New England colonial development to other settlements, compare experiences of settlers in various other colonial establishments, determine the emergence of American culture and outline important points, and provide a historiography for further research. Greene proposes to create awareness for the diversity of early settlements and birth of American cultural patterns based not only on one particular region, but a combination of the four broad cultural regions of Chesapeake, New England, the Middle Colonies, and the Lower South. In reaching the goals he outlines, Greene focuses on social development, examines European and African settlement patterns, and attempts to digress from generalities .

Greene describes the dominating characteristics of both Chesapeake and New England settlements. Where Chesapeake was secular, materialistic, and competitive with a high mortality rate, New England was religious with a benign environment of kinship networks and low mortality contributing to rapid growth. New England’s patriarchal system also had strong social institutions contributing to development. Due to the agricultural foundations Chesapeake had a high demand for labor and their disproportionate population did not allow for strong social institutions, but strong individualism was prevalent. Although Greene claims those coming to Chesapeake colonies intended to model Old England, it was not possible due to the harsh environment which would not cooperate with their lofty intentions. The Chesapeake colonies adapted for not only personal gain but necessary survival. It is not realistic to compare two vastly different climates of settlement, Chesapeake and New England, and assume they will successfully model the same area of origin.

Greene negates the assumption that New England colonies were more representative of Old England. In fact, he supports the argument that Chesapeake is more representative due to the nature of settlement and settlers of Chesapeake seeking to improve their economic status and personal growth, striving for economic gain and growth, thereby making society more competitive. Also, the social ladder was not firmly established, one could easily move up and down based upon circumstances. New England colonies were more religious and conformist in their desire for personal perfection, religiously paternalistic with stronger kinship ties.

With the passage of time, the bonds of New England society seemed to deteriorate. Settlers contributed this deterioration to moral and social decline, as well as a rejection of founding goals. Reverse of Chesapeake, New England developed from community to individualism. As the population grew in New England individuals and extended families dispersed attempting to establish their own dream of success. New settlements, semi-independent and somewhat antagonistic of each other, developed. They also experienced a decline in the influence of clergy. Greene argues that it is not a decline of society as they seemed to believe, but mere change and adaptation to the passage of time. Although religion continued to dominate New England society, it did not hold the same preeminence as with original colonial settlement.

Although off to a difficult start, Chesapeake became a more cohesive colony developing an extensive social system. Greene claims a closer relationship between rural Britain and Chesapeake Bay. Important to development was the replacement of indentured servitude with black slaves. Slaves were a free labor source that did not cease after a period of time, and it was self perpetuating. Over time, slavery allowed for economic growth and stability of the region. Chesapeake experienced the growth of a small and powerful elite and the expansion of religious fervor, yet the same dream was driving colonial development, that of independent happiness and opportunity.

Greene establishes that New England was the exception and not the norm. With time, Chesapeake and the lower South struggled from political and socioeconomic strife just as the island and European colonies had. Chesapeake eventually became, at least to a degree, what New England began as. In comparison, New England ntinbecame more like the competitive and individualistic society of early Chesapeake. Rather than developing into vastly different regions, the two gradually became more alike contributing to the development of American culture. Greene’s approach is both analytical and informative, offering a logical comparison of New England and Chesapeake colonies to that of earlier colonies and Old England. However, little information is provided to determine the impact of early colonies upon the development of future American culture.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:02 PM

Wednesday, August 24, 2005

Unruh presents the American migration west, stretching from the 1840s to the 1860s, with revisionist tone and debunking the Hollywood romanticism of the overland trek. The author insists that the completed journey westward was not an individual accomplishment by emigrants but rather a successful series of “emigrant interaction” with other emigrants, Indians, Mormons, and governmental aid that prevailed along the way.
(giving credit where credit is due...ty for the summary JM!)

now for my take . . .

The overlanders are the focus of Unruh’s study. He concludes their activities had a diverse impact on overland travel. The growth of the Pacific Coast can be attributed to their migration. Their diaries and letters offer insight into the travelers’ relationships with Indians. Studying their progress, and their trials and successes, creates greater insight regarding patterns of settlement and economic growth. The essence of the study focuses on the interaction of the overlanders and other groups, such as Indians, military, and entrepreneurs, as well as their interaction with the environment.

Unruh first deals with the nature of public opinion regarding westward migration. Newspapers and magazines of the period typically presented the overland journey as adventurous and heroic. Other articles played on the Indian threat. Unruh elaborates on such in a later chapter dedicated to Indian relationships with the overlanders. In the 1840s, it seems much of what was printed in the media was sensationalized, portraying the romantic danger of westward migration. Taking liberties with reality enhanced the excitement, enticing more migrants westward. By the 1850s, more objectivity appeared in westward accounts and reporting. This may be due in part by federal improvements upon the roads and protection.

The years 1840 to 1860 did not offer a consistent emigration experience. External factors such as weather and proprietorships made a difference in the overlanders’ struggle. During times of extensive rainy weather, travel was very difficult when it came time to cross rivers and streams. Foreword movement was slow. As more overlanders traversed westward, entrepreneurs began to meet supply demands. As a result of increase proprietors on the trail, some caravans did not prepare adequate supplies to survive between stops leaving starvation and illness a reality for some. As numbers of travelers increased, travel friendly stopover points did as well. Bathhouses, barbershops, and courts were increasingly available to travelers; as well as trail improvements, postal services, and even settlements for those who decided to take root. Unruh points out that the migrating experience was different for every traveler. Independent expectations, preparations, and companions made a difference in perception of the trip and its value.

One’s personal experiences along the route were a factor in the perception of a successful and valuable trip. Although many feared Indian encounters, as they had been portrayed with excitement and danger by some of the media, the actual encounters were many times vastly different. The Indians often had goods for the travelers and were willing to negotiate a good trade. There were times when confrontations occurred, but many times these encounters were provoked by migrant hostility or frustration with American diplomacy. Despite the number of emigrants killed by Indians in the first 20 years of westward expansion, some 400 Unruh cites, tribes offered information, supplies, horses, and guidance to the travelers.

The numbers of travelers steadily grew over the years, resulting in increased government involvement. Federal road improvements were made, military outposts increased, and postal service extended. The government stepped in and responded to the obvious need of the overlanders. Unruh declares it a moot point as to whether all extended services were of benefit. Using the Indian situation as an example, he describes the amicable relationship between most Indian tribes and migrants as it was prior to government involvement in negotiations and treaty making. In Unruh's opinion the more government became involved the more it was necessary for them to be involved. Had there not been the government presence there would have been less need for one. This is not a concrete evaluation. Who is to say that the Indians would not eventually grown weary and frustrated of the overlanders? Granted there were economic benefit, but the number of travelers steadily increased over time. Many who did not make it to the coast established settlements to open shops serving those continuing on the journey.

The growth of the westward movement is well portrayed in Unruh’s work. He supports his analysis with clear evidence using charts, graphs, maps and illustrations. His writing is clear and interesting, varying from narrative to analytical, not losing the reader in tiresome wordiness.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 9:06 PM

Tuesday, August 23, 2005

by Thomas Dublin

The 19th century saw changes in the nature of women's work. Initially he points out the subsistence nature of women's work and how it was crucial to the family. However, due to social mores women were still considered to hold a place only in the home, not the outside workforce. Primary work was domestic. Dublin uses the term economic subordination.

He examines the experiences of women in Lowell which he believes is characteristic of other places.

Purpose is to encourage questioning of the role women shared in the development of early industry and capitalism in the US, offered as an initial contribution according to Dublin. There is an innerthesis regarding the developing rights of women. Dublin states, "that bonds among women that developed at the workplace and in the boarding houses provided women with a solidarity that later played a major part in the growth of collective protests."

one can always tell which books i enjoyed and which i struggled just to get through. women at work is an enjoyed book. there are notes written all the way through it. partly because it was used as part of a research assignment, and partly because it was a good book for the developing factory system and the developing rights of women/changing roles. i'm not sure dublin is fully accurate in his presumption that lowell was characteristic, but as i will address later the experiences were similar. at least to the manufacturing northeast. the struggles of frontier women were by far vastly different, and the same for the south.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 11:11 PM

This is another of the books that I have no recollection of reading. I vaguely remember a few details so here's a quick note:

James Henry Hammond and the Old South: A Design for Mastery by Drew Gilpin Faust

A diary of an ambitious planter in South Carolina. His detailed notes serves as the primary source. He aimed to become admired but never truly did by all. His upbringing taught him control but he failed to control himself with affairs with his nieces and female slaves. His life was filled with ambition, and he did succeed in gaining political office such as becoming the governor in South Carolina, but after the incident with his nieces, he went into exile on his plantation. He tried to perfect the master’s role on the plantation and gain love and affection from his slaves. But he was still a master and they slaves, which only yielded a certain amount of love and admiration

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:50 PM

Sunday, August 21, 2005

now here is an article i never thought i would have use for again. strangely it fit in with a forum discussion.

reconsidering trauma by pier larson

"historians of identity in the african diaspora have emphasized how africans and their descendants in the america's forged a sense of community from and through the shared trauma of bondage and exploitation"

the article questions the relationship of enslavement and the african diaspora and evaluates the cultural significance of intracontinental trade. larson argues three points:

1. there is a link b/w trauma of enslavement and identity formation is from time and circumstance, not universal, resulting from the diaspora (larson does a poor job explaining this or i did a poor job of understanding it.) it is here he introduces traumatic memory (extensive idea of PTSD)

2. granting attention to memories and narratives of africans from export slave trade will change methods of historical writing about african enslavement and identity. also mentions that if it was as horrible as we understand it to be wouldnt personal accounts reflect such. imo he sort of counters his ptsd theory.

3. integrate afria and indian ocean movement shifting the study back to africa, enriching studies therefore fostering an appreciation for the diversity of the slave culture.

simply larson is contrasting the current understanding of slave experiences from east africa/indian ocean source (madagascar region) and the western atlantic records.

imo poorly written (or again, poorly understood) but interesting stance.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 4:30 PM

We have read a lot of works over the past two years and Laurel Thatcher Ulrich's A Midwife's Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on her Diary1785-1812, is my favorite. I truly enjoyed reading this book. It may be because it was one that we did not have to review and I could simply read and enjoy the content. However, I think it would have been good even if reading for the sake of reviewing.

The book summary from back cover:
"Between 1785 and 1812 a midwife and hearler named Martha Ballard kept a diary that recorded her arduous work (in 27 years she attended 816 births) as well as her domestic life in Hallowell, Maine. On the basis of that diary, Laurel Thatcher Ulrich gives us an intimate and densely imagined portrait, not only of the industrious and reticent Martha Ballard but of her society- a portrait that sheds light on its medical practices, religious squabbles and sexual mores. At once lively and impeccably scholarly, A Midwife's Tale is a triumph history on a human scale."

The organization of this work was great. First Ulrich presented the diary entries as they were entered, then went on to explain each event using records from the time and other personal accounts of specific events to present the entire picture. I found the statistics presented to be rather interesting. For example the total first births Ballard saw 1785-1797 were 106. 40 (38%) were conceived out of wedlock, 31 (29%) premarital pregnancy, 9 (8%) illegitimate. Another interesting item, whenever a woman was giving birth to a child out of wedlock she was asked during the pains of labor to name the father, in expectation that at the time of intense pain and stress she would not lie and he could be held accountable. Ballard was also considered a healer. She used various methods and roots for ailments. An appendix of the work includes some of these, which include bleeding a cat and applying the blood, administering root to induce vomiting, or mixtures of root, herb, and urine for salve applications and such. I'm amazed people survived the treatments for many troubles.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 12:32 AM

the cooper book is one of those that i picked up and had no recollection of reading. sadly i can say that about several. so much more review and study will need to be done there.

johnson's work is one i did not really like. it was an easy read, just too statistical for me. seems that the operations of society revolved around power. no surprise there. it seems that many workers conformed to the religious expectations of society merely for the economic/social benefit of doing os. this is not surprising as people do conform for acceptance and gain. i will have to add specifics on the johnson later. several interesting points to bring out regarding temperance, affiliation, and church attendance.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 12:10 AM

A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837
Paul E. Johnson

Johnson argues the domestic changes faced in the home lives of Rochester citizens led to changes in their religious beliefs and practices, which in turn led to a reorganization of their politics. He attempts to explain the causes of such change and the influence of key figures.

Johnson first examines the impact of migration and the impact of migratory participation in the local economy. He then indicates the changing attitudes regarding the personal and social relationships of workers and proprietors. Various political and moral movements receive attention as well as the revival and its aftermath.

He proposes the revival did not emerge from lacking moral panic among the ambitious that moved to Rochester. In fact, Johnson affirms a solidification of moral unity and enthusiasm resulting from the revival. He proclaims the primary driving force for revival was the increase of class tension. In Johnson's opinion, revivals brought order and self-restraint to society. It was a means of coping with changing views of employee/employer relationships. Although wage-earning and advancement were driving forces for conversion, some participated willingly, while others merely sought economic improvement.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 12:05 AM

Saturday, August 20, 2005

In The South and the Politics of Slavery, Cooper uses extensive primary source material such as manuscripts and newspapers to examine the role of slavery in southern politics. His purpose is to establish slavery as the preeminent issue of southern politics during the antebellum period.

Although there were arguable issues of economics and power in southern politics, such as the bank and tariff issues, Cooper contends slavery was the catalyst for political strife. According to Cooper, political parties of the south existed to serve the national rights of southerners and not defend or define economic and religious concerns. Slavery was the paramount concern and all other matters failed to measure up in importance. As slavery became the definitive issue of southern politics, parties concerned themselves with addressing the societal views that they considered defined the South.

Cooper examines election related issues between the 1830s and 1850s and elaborates upon the competition between Southern Democrats and Southern Whigs. As they compete with each other, they seem to also be in contest with Northern Democrats and Northern Whigs. Cooper describes it as a “sectional one-upmanship” that will eventually lead to the demise of the Whig party (xi). The Southern version of each party attempted to prove their southern worth and loyalty to the social mores of southern society. Both proclaimed to defend the institution of slavery. According to Cooper, it was the social mores of white society that merged with politics to produce the politics of slavery.

In an attempt to defend his thesis cooper dedicates the first half of his work to early Democratic Party and the origins of the Whigs. He also examines the issue of slavery in campaigns of 1836 and 1840. In doing so, Cooper concludes southerners created a successful agenda “based on white manhood suffrage and broad voter participation” that was not immune to outside influence (42). Issues of nullification and the tariff were still divisive to the parties. The latter half of his work deals with territorial expansion and debate, the Compromise of 1850, sectional tension, and failure of the Whig party; all issues which remain easily traced to the tensions of slavery’s continuance and expansion.

To succeed in the southern political arena it was necessary to convince the people that the party endorsed southern honor and interest, as well as goaled to protect it. Between 1830 and 1860, interest of most concern to southerners was slavery. This interest, not merely relegated to the concerns of the elite, crossed socio-economic lines to culminate into the realm of sectional concern. Protection of slaves remained vital to the freedom and independence of southerners. To lose the institution of slavery relegated southerners to a perceived status of subordination and dependency. Due to the fact that the Whig party failed to retain party support and met its demise, Cooper declares the Democrats most successful in playing the politics of slavery.

Cooper’s primary source documentation is extensive and thorough. He presents a compelling argument that parties could not depend solely on southern support, and those seeking southern support must proclaim protection of slavery. He addresses other issues that are debated as true southern concerns, such as the tariff, national bank, westward expansion and its economic impact, but in doing so Cooper successfully ties in the relationship to slavery as the primary southern concern. He offers an extensive and compelling argument for the southern political agenda.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 11:31 PM

Monday, August 15, 2005

quick overview...

american exceptionalism refers to the idea that the US holds a special place in the world. here there is opportunity and hope, derived from a balance of public and private interests...governed by ideals that are focused on personal and economic freedom. from a political science perspective the definition centers on unique traits in the US that do not correlate with nat'l charicteristics of other industrialized and democratic countries. there are some who take the interpretation of moral superiority, others who refer to america as merely an exceptional ideal. those who dissent state the idea of exceptionalism is nothing more than propaganda promoting a centristic view of america.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:54 PM

Sunday, August 14, 2005

Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism and Empire by Thomas Hietala

Hietala presents Manifest Design as an evaluation of American expansionist ideas and policies in the context of the late Jacksonian period. He expands upon the traditional and historically accepted motives for expansion including security, progress, and desire of new areas of interest. Supplementary motives are included such as stability, modernization fears, the Jeffersonian reverence for agriculture, and racism. In Hietala's view, Jacksonian expansionism served to protect the vulnerability of America from both foreign and domestic threats.

The 1830s reflect partisan debate regarding the scope of national government. Whigs favored greater federal control, while Democrats embraced laissez-faire policies. Domestic disputes consumed party conflict relegating foreign policy. By the 1840s, foreign policy is a reflection of domestic concerns. Hietala concludes Democrats and Tyler Whigs preferred expansion to increased government involvement or reform measures.

Expanding America with the acquisition of Texas was at the forefront of American debate in the 1840s with removal of undesirable people as a recuruing theme in Hietala's work. He describes northern Democrats as disapporving of slavery, but exlpains their greater fear of black northern migrartion in the event of emancipation. The annexation of Texas, shifting slavery and the black population westward to eventual removal, seemed the ideal plan. Natives of the area, Indians and Mexicans, were obstacles to overcome by force. Hietala concludes American feeligns of superiority were the self-serving impetus for expansion.

It was not government policy of expansion that determined the fate of Mexicans, Indians, and Blacks, but the uncontrollable racial destiny which includes Anglo-Saxon superiority and preordination or empirical control of the continent. According to Hietala, feelings of American superiority, validated by successful expansion, withered little by the acknowledgement of problems. He describes the developing empire as dysfunctional. Expansion did not eliminate growing sectional strife regarding the issue of slavery. The destiny for American expansion, manifest design, revealed the lacking ambition of security and increased efforts toward purification of American society.

Hietala also addresses the desirer of America to compete internationalllya with powers such as Britain. With manipulation of trade and development of domestic resources, expansionists hoped to surpass British dominance in world markets. In this desire resided fear of urbanization, class conflict, and the ills of modernization. Expansionists embraced technology improving transportation and improving farm output, but did not welcome industrial growth such as factories, mines, and a national bank, seen as detrimental to individual success. Overshadowed by domestic issues of racial dominance, in Hietala's work, it seems expansionists lost sight of the necessities of foreign competition.

Hietala successfully and extensively examines the aggressive design of western control within the United States. Information is adequate to conclude America's exceptionalism, achieved by design, was not necessarily destiny. The United States, with deception and aggression took lands from the Native Americans, and removed native Mexicans, annexing their land by force with both groups seen as an inferior race. However, Hietala does not emphasize enough the importance of foreign competition. He repeatedly presents racism as the prevailing force for American action. Although Hietala thoroughly discusses the topic and his method varies from chapter to chapter, the message is redundant. He also fails to address, in depth, the social concerns of urbanization, industrialization, and expansion.

***
later to be addressed...What is American exceptionalism?

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:28 PM

Saturday, August 13, 2005

aka:
The Elusive Republic by Drew McCoy

This was one of my least favorite books. I really didn't "get it" first time around. I'm not certain that I do now, but here goes with a quick summary. My opinion can come later...

McCoy's focus is the political economy, the interdependence of government, economy, and society. He believes the understanding of America is derived from narrow interpretation of politics and constitutional theory, neglecting social and economic thought, as well as ethical issues. He concentrates on the writings of Franklin, Jefferson, and Madison, offering that the Revolutionary generation shared a common set of beliefs for the US. For BF, TJ, and JM success of the Republican experiment depended on virtue, industry, and independent citizens. The governments purpose was to encourage social and economic progress while restraining luxury and corruption. There was a rejection of mercantilism due to possibilities of promoting poverty, inequality, dependence, and vice. American revolutionaries sought a balance between agriculture and industry. Jefferson and Madison viewed the economy as rooted in agriculture but allowing commerce as long as it remained beneath the importance of agriculture and household manufacturing.

(McCoy does not clearly demonstrate the cohesive thoughts among Revolutionaries.)

McCoy examines the agrarian/industrial debate regarding the political economy. It was necessary for government to decide its role in the business of the country. As debate arises in the area of economic focus there is no doubt that America would eventually shift to an industrialized nation. The question was whether government should embrace and encourage the shift or allow its gradual occurence. Some chose a laissez-faire approach, others promoted the agricultural foundations of the nation and the push for westward expansion.

Jeffersonians did not wish to abandon agrarian traditions, or cease trade. In fact, with international cooperation Jefferson would have sought increased agricultural trade. Continued agricultural production without foreign markets would create a surplus product that the US alone could not consume. The agricultural surplus, in the Jeffersonian view, was for supporting industrial progress abroad in an effort to slow such progress within America, curbing negative social development and the decline of a virtuous nation.

Widespread factory production was not part of Jefferson's plan. Production could be achieved by independent manufacturers and in households, without encouraging the expansion or development of a large wage earning force. In the industrial realm America had the ability and labor to industrialize. The Jeffersonian fear was a duplication of English society in which the commercialized and industrious upper class took advantage of wealth and luxury on the backs of poor laborers.

The Jeffersonian idea was that only virtuous citizenry could create republican world. To maintain such virtue it was necessary to maintain agricultural foundations and the corresponding atmosphere, without fully embracing industrialization. Goods of luxury were produced in England and other areas, it was not necessary to corrupt American society with such production even though America had improved upon many new inventions that would allow efficient and prosperous production.

...
the plan is to address republicanism within the context of McCoy, but first i have to figure out exactly what direction he is taking it. the idea refers to the configuration of beliefs and social process within the broader operations of republican government. a repeated theme of this work is the necessity to maintain a virtuous state by developing across space (westward expansion) before developing through time. in other words slow the corruptive process of commercial society by expanding and increasing reliance on agricultural development. according to mccoy, encouraging the development through time and embracing industrialization, one would be hastening the social decay of society and resulting political corruption.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 7:40 PM

days of notes lost due to over zealous cleaning spree. i really question how worth it this whole process is.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 7:21 PM

Wednesday, August 10, 2005

Addressing the creation and acceptance of the Constitution, beginning with Federalist #10.

James Madison presents his argument in three parts, presenting the problem and then two possible means to solution.

The main theme of Federalist #10 is the need to solve problems facing popular government: factions.

Factions is a negative term for party. Faction was considered the lowest form of politics. Some would argue that it still is. According to Madison, "Liberty is to faction what air is to fair, an ailment without which it instantly expires." In other words, politics is a necessary evil. Factions were considered devisive, as they are. They were also a means to an end, and at this time, considered a temporary means existing only for a specific issue or purpose. When the purpose was reached the faction was to be over.

Two methods of controlling this corruptive evil of factions:
remove its causes
control its effects

Two methods to remove:
destroy liberty
conform society to all same opinions, passions, and interests.

The loss of freedom is worse than factions, and human nature does not allow total conformity.

So, what to do to "fix" gov't?

There were three questions to be dealt with: Who rules? By what means? How much to be put in effect?

The Virginia Plan:

(written by Madison, proposed by Edmund Randolph)
- set of 15 resolutions
- scraps Articles of Confederation
- if going to be a representative form Madison preferred based on population (VA was a large state)
-bicameral legislature with the lower elected by the people, and upper by state legislatures
- proposing that divided power limits corruption

VA Plan creates conflict b/w large states and small states regarding representation.

The New Jersey Plan

- counters the VA Plan.
- small states afraid the larger states would dominate if population was basis for representation.
- solution= equal representation for each state
- also called for only one house of Congress.

The Great Compromise (Connecticu Compromise)

- adopted some provisions of both plans
- 2 house Congress
- house elected on basis of pop. (proportional representation)
- senate would be equal representation (2 for each state regardless of size)

Slavery was also a question. Southern states would not accept the plan if it rejected slavery and states opposing slavery did not want to allow those without civil rights to be counted as part of the population allowing greater control to be with southern states. The result, 3/5 Compromise. Slaves would count as 3/5 of a person in the calculation of total population.

*Which House/Senate handles what? (Initially)
House would have the power to propose bills/laws ro taxation and budget and the Senate could only accept/reject bills proposed by House.

Great Compromise passes with the stipulation that a Bill of Rights would be added.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 9:30 PM

Monday, August 08, 2005

yes, info is out of order. welcome to project impact. i'll get back to madison's plans later. gn! kj. :)

| 0 comments | kontan @ 11:12 PM

Daniel Feller indicates the "Jacksonian Promise" is one of a common man's success through determination if government will stay out of his way. In the view of Jackson, more control should be granted to citizens. According to Jackson the increased control of federal agencies would drain the energy of American citizens, leaving them dependent on the government to lead them to progress instead of achieving it for themselves.

In The Jacksonian Promise Feller describes nineteenth century changes as a shift from excitement and optimism, a time of celebration to one of concern. According to Feller, American's believed themselves to be destined for greatness. However, they could not agree on the great American destiny, nor how to achieve it. Feller declares the Jacksonian era as one of uncertainty and insecurity placed at the starting edge of American descent. In Feller's description, American's accelerate toward an uncertain future and at a fast pace with grave disregard for quality.

quick notes on Feller's JP:
1. first 4-5 chapters dealing with the exciting changes facing America with periods of celebration
each to outdo the other (push for progress)
2. last chapters deal with changing ideologies of governments role in the lives of citizens
3. church activity and changing ideas regarding role of church
- shift calvinist to protestantism?
- more proselytizing, winning souls @ all costs (Beecher)
4. labor
- union activity
- labor activists
- propaganda
- individual focus on money and things
5. rehabilitation of criminals
- character education through control of environment and development of work ethic
- open house for juvenils- both runaway orphas and delinquent
6. expansion of lyceum.
- focus on science and seek knowledge
- turn to edu for improving society

Jackson view- more control to citizens and government stay out of the way
"Jackson saw federal agency not as nurturing energies and morals but sapping them"
"Adams wanted to guide people to progress, Jackson wanted them to find their own way . . ."

Jackson distrusted gov
saw it to benefit only well to do
"No matter how high minded the intent, governments exercise of distributive functions was inevitably unequal and unjust. Instead of fostering enterprise and a spirit of independence, public patronage bred privilege, dependence, and corruption."

| 0 comments | kontan @ 10:38 PM

Sunday, August 07, 2005

1776, big year for America. A resolution makes it through Congress declaring independence leaving the questions of where to go and what kind of government to set up. Congress seeks alliances and look to France. France doesn’t want to be on the side that loses so they are waiting to see which way the wind blows. The American idea of government is radical and those watching viewed it as a form that was not possible to work. Establishing a new government, the Articles are adopted. The Articles of Confederation establish a relationship of convenience between states. There are two sides to the government debate. The Federalists push for a strong federal central government. The Nationalist fear chaos and breakdown of social order and are afraid of government becoming too strong. The Articles were the compromise.

For sovereignty to work it is necessary to have the power to fight and pay for it. The Articles established government and got the ball rolling on independence, but the executive committee style government had no power to force the states to contribute funds for support. It would require unanimous action to pass. Maryland is the holdout until 1781.

The French, in 1781, decide to join the effort for American independence. This got the attention of England and drew their attention to other areas. England wanted to keep colonial possessions and Spain wanted Gibralter back (now there’s a problem that won’t go away), and lands in the West. The US just wanted to be recognized as independent.

The basic issue of the new government, $$$. Finance. There was also the question of what to do with the army after the war. Maintain? Discharge? The US was faced with how to finance the war. The solution of choice was to create debt, two forms of domestic and one foreign. The American Congress creates wealth the easy way, they print it...over $200 million, resulting in massive inflation with no specie to back it up. The obvious means of fixing this problem of debt, borrow money. Bonds, certificates...consider it an IOU as the army passes through they took what they needed and left a certificate in return, not really a golden ticket for those who lost goods. Congress was also able to borrow money abroad with France, Spain, and Holland.

Now the question was what to do with this debt. Remember, Hamilton thought debt was a good unifying element for the country. Nothing like collectors knocking on the door to strengthen the household right? In this case, consider the collectors family because they have a compelling interest in seeing the new government work. (The other issue at hand...the guys with guns wanted to be paid for their service...the army was not happy with the sitch.)

Secretary of Finance, Robert Morris will step in with a solution. He is a nationalist wanting order, and to establish order and sound government there must be income. He proposes a duty (1781) on imported goods and gets it through Congress, with Rhode Island holding out. The impost officially dies in 1783. Next comes the Bank of North America. Robert Morris’ concept was for the bank to serve as treasury, be a private bank owned by the government providing funds and issuing notes. Who else should head this bank but Robert Morris, he becomes President. As he held a position in government there was conflict of interest. Money is created, hoping to snowball and build to attract deposits, anyone who was interested.

No one seems to be happy with the arrangements. The Impost was deemed a conspiracy and the army still wants to be paid threatening mutiny. George Washington attends an unauthorized mutineers meeting and manages to diffuse the tension. By 1783 the Peace of Paris was signed, word makes it home, and the army disbands, returning to their homes. Organizing the Northwest territory there is hope for revenue with the organizing of lands to sell and service mounting debt.

Some are still not happy, they did not like creditors breathing down their neck any more than we do today. An uprising in Massachusetts backcountry, Shay’s Rebellion, drew attention. Farmers, losing homes to foreclosures and delinquent taxes sought relief from creditors. The rebellion was led by Capt. Daniel Shays. Debtors demanded cheap paper money, lighter taxes, and a suspension fo property takeovers. The rebellion was put down quickly, but it opened the eyes to the need of a quick fix. The Confederation needed strength. The Articles were not working. There was also the issue of interstate commerce driving the need for change. Virginia issued a call for a convention at Annapolis, Maryland. Nine states appointed delegates, with a mere five represented. Nothing could be accomplished at Annapolis. Alexander Hamilton steps in to make the convention not such a bust by proposing a convention the following year in Philadelphia to consider not only commerce, but strengthening the Articles as well. Every state, except Rogues’ Island, chose reps. These guys were all appointed by the state legislatures, whose members had been elected by voters who qualified as property holders, bringing together a select group of propertied men. James Madison will be the man of note.

| 0 comments | kontan @ 12:22 AM

Saturday, August 06, 2005

i have spent the last little bit reviewing info for alexander hamilton and forrest mcdonalds biography of hamilton. (Alexander Hamilton: A Biography)

not bad. not great.

first a little about hamilton...

sometimes referred to as the father of the national debt, he was a native of the british west indies and some doubted his loyalty to the american cause, or the republican experiment. his area of expertise...econ/finance. (my biggest weakness, maybe that is why i struggle with interest here.) goals of ah: correct economic failings of the aricles of confederation by shaping fiscal policies to favor wealthier groups. he hoped these groups would lend the gov't money and support which would in turn lead to a thriving new gov't, increased land owner wealth, and create a trickle down effect. ah encouraged the fed gov't to fund the nat'l debt and assume the debts of the states in hopes that it would tie the states to the fed gov't, therefore gaining support of the rich who would have a compelling interest in nat'l success. ah believed debt would be a cohesive element for wealthy society and the nat'l gov't. operating money for the gov't was to come from customs duties (tariff) which was dependent upon foreign trade. ah was a proponent of industrialism and hoped the industrial rev would hit america, which was still predominantly agricultural.

what else is ah known for? the nat'l bank. (modeled after bank of eng.) ah proposed a private institution w/ the nat'l gov't as major stockholder. jefferson went into a tizzy here b/c he did not feel a nat'l bank was authorized by the constitution. (tj was a supporter of strict interpretation.) ah was more like a teenager, meaning, if you dont say i cant do it then that means i can. ah believed what the constitution did not directly forbid, it allowed. (loose interpretation, using "necessary and proper" clause.)

ultimately ah was more convincing and washington allowed the bank. the US was eventually extended credit by the netherlands and the credit debt begins. although some consider ah successful, others believed his fiscal policies created an infringement on states rights. oppostion begins to develop and political parties are in the works.

ideas of AH:

“He sought to transform the American people into free, opulent, and law-abiding citizens, through the instrumentality of a limited republican government, on the basis of consent, and in the face of powerful vested interests in the status quo”
considered a social revolution
strive for money to define value and standing and be the universal measure
reward industriousness
believed free government preferable to monarchy because it excited people more…”interested passions of the community” leading to “public spirit and public confidence”

what does forrest mcdonald say? he has little negative to offer really. fm performs extensive research to get into the mind of ah. he says ah used and improved ideas of smith, hume, vattel, and necker to win support for gov't by changing the direction of the economy from aggie to bus. ah intruded into foreign affairs for the purpose of encouraging american growth. the goals of ah according to fm, transform society, infuse with industry and loyalty, do so by establishing ways for things to be done instead of trying to order what was to be done.

what do i think? i havent decided really. ah's plan had a strong potential to totally backfire, and as we see with the bank of the US it was not exactly full-proof. honestly, i think ah wanted to make his mark with the est of a gentry guided society. but then maybe he just wanted to get one up on tj. it's almost 12:30 AM. i'll think more on it tommorow.

kontan jou peeps.

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